Time: Thu Apr 17 17:35:59 1997
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Date: Thu, 17 Apr 1997 17:25:23 -0700
To: Patricia Neill <pnpj@db1.cc.rochester.edu>
From: Paul Andrew Mitchell [address in tool bar]
Subject: Reichstag File and OKC Anniversary
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit

Hello Patty,

You know, I have half a mind to write to Janet Reno,
in light of her recent failure to produce a certified
copy of her credentials, and tell her that if she
so much as steps foot in Arizona state, I will execute
a Citizen's Arrest upon her person, for murder.
I thought this might be the proper thing to say in
a formal NOTICE OF INTENT.  She has, after all, 
public accepted responsibility for Waco.  We can
let the jury decide;  that's what juries are for.

/s/ Paul Mitchell
http://www.supremelaw.com


At 03:33 PM 4/17/97 -0400, you wrote:
>
>----- Begin Included Message -----
>
>
>Date: Tue, 15 Apr 1997 16:11:33 -0600
>From: BlueSkies@public-action.com
>Subject: Reichstag Fire and OKC Anniversary
>Newsgroups: alt.current-events.clinton.whitewater,alt.current-events.usa,
>alt.politics.radical-left,talk.policits.guns,talk.politics.libertarian
>
>As we approach the second anniversary of the Oklahoma City bombing, let us
>reflect on the Reichstag Fire, which was deliberately engineered by
>Hitler's supporters to consoidate the power of the Nazis.  On April 19,
>1995, the US had the motive, the means, and the opportuity to pull off the
>OKC bombing.  And it still had the blood of innocent Branch
>Davidians--including 24 innocent children--on its hands, showing us its
>predispositon to commit such barbarities.
>
>Blame it on the militas?  The only militia Tim McVeigh ever belonged to
>was the US Army. The US is the prime suspect in the OKC murders.  
>Now to visit history and the historical archetype:
>
>(from The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich by William L. Shirer, Simon &
>Schuster Inc., 1990 edition, pp 190-5.  Purchase of the book is
>recommended to those interested in seeing what the future may 
>hold for us, as the US follows the fascist blueprint.)
>
>***
>
>On January 31, 1933, the day after Hitler was named Chancellor, Goebbels
>wrote in his diary: “In a conference with the Fuehrer we lay down the line
>for the fight against the Red terror. For the moment we shall abstain from
>direct countermeasures. The Bolshevik attempt at revolution must first
>burst into flame. At the proper moment we shall strike.”
>
>Despite increasing provocation by the Nazi authorities there was no sign
>of a revolution, Communist or Socialist, bursting into flames as the
>electoral campaign got under way. By the beginning of February the Hitler
>government had banned all communist meetings and shut down the Communist
>press. Social Democrat rallies were either forbidden or broken up by the
>S>A rowdies, and the leading Socialist newspapers were continually
>suspended. Even the Catholic Center Party did not escape the Nazi terror.
>
>Stegerwald, the leader of the Catholic Trade Unions, was beaten by
>Brownshirts when he attempted to address a meeting, and Bruening was
>obliged to seek police protection at another rally after S.A. troopers had
>wounded a number of followers. Altogether fifty-one anti-Nazis were listed
>as murdered during the electoral campaign, and the Nazis claimed that
>eighteen of their own number had been done to death.
>
>Goering’s key position as minister of the Interior of Prussia now began to
>be noticed. Ignoring the restraining hand of Papen, who as minister of
>Prussia was supposedly above him, Goering removed hundreds of republican
>officials and replace them with Nazis, mostly S.A. and S.S. officers. He
>ordered the police to avoid “at all costs” hostility to the S.A., the
>S.S., and the Stahlhelm but on the other hand to show no mercy to those
>who were “hostile to the State.” He urged the police “to make use of
>firearms” and warned that those who didn’t would be punished. This 
>was an outfight call for the shooting down of all who opposed Hitler by the
>police of a state (Prussia) which controlled two thirds of Germany. Just
>to make sure that the job would be ruthlessly done, Goering on February 22
>established an auxiliary police force of 50,000 men, of whom 40,000 were
>drawn from the ranks of the S.A. and the S.S. and the rest from the
>Stahlhelm. Police power in Prussia was thus largely carried out by Nazi
>thugs. It was a rash German who appealed to such a “police” for protection
>against the against the Nazi terrorists.
>
>And yet despite all the terror the “Bolshevik revolution” which Goebbels,
>Hitler, and Goering were looking for failed to “burst into flames.” If it
>could not be provoked, might it not have to be invented?
>
>On February 24, Goering’s police raided the Karl Liebknecht Haus, the
>Communist headquarters in Berlin. It had been abandoned some weeks before
>by the Communist leaders, a number of whom had already gone underground or
>quietly slipped off to Russia. But piles of propaganda pamphlets had been
>left in the cellar and these were enough to enable Goering to announce in
>an official communiquJ that the seized “documents” proved that the
>Communists were about to launch the revolution. The reaction of the public
>and even of some of the conservatives in the government was one of
>skepticism. It was obvious that something more sensational must be found
>to stampeded the public before the election took place on March 5.
>On the evening of February 27, four of the most powerful men in Germany
>were gathered at two separate dinners in Berlin. In the exclusive
>Herrenklub in the Vosstrasse, Vice-Chancellor von Papen was entertaining
>President von Hindenburg. Out at Goebbels home, Chancellor Hitler had
>arrived to dine en famille. According to Goebbels, they were relaxing,
>playing music on the gramophone and telling stories. “Suddenly,” he
>recounted later in his diary, “a telephone call from Dr. Hanfstaengl: 
>‘The Reichstag is on fire!’  I am sure he is telling a tall tale and decline
>even to mention it the Fuehrer.”
>
>But the diners at the Herrenklub were just around the corner from the
>Reichstag.
>
>Suddenly [Papen later wrote] we noticed a red glow through the windows and
>heard sound of shouting in the street. One of the servants came hurrying
>up to me and whispered: “The Reichstag is on fire!” which I repeated to
>the President. He got up and from the window we could see the dome of the
>Reichstag looking as though it were illuminated by searchlights. Every now
>and again a burst of flame and a swirl of smoke blurred the outline.
>
>The Vice-Chancellor packed the aged President home in his own car and
>hurried off to the burning building. In the meantime Goebbels, according
>to his account, had had second thoughts about Putzi Hanfstaengl’s “tall
>tale,” had made some telephone calls and learned that the Reichstag was 
>in flames. Within a few seconds he and his Fuehrer were racing “at sixty
>miles an hour down the Charlottenburger Chaussee toward the scene of 
>the crime.”
>
>That it was a crime, a Communist crime, they proclaimed at once on arrival
>at the fire. Goering, sweating and puffing and quite beside himself with
>excitement, was already there ahead of them declaiming to heaven, as 
>Papen later recalled, that “this is a Communist crime against the new
>government.” To the Gestapo chief, Rudolf Diels, Goering shouted, “This 
>is the beginning of the Communist revolution! We must not wait a minute. 
>We will show no mercy. Every Communist official must be shot, where 
>he is found. Every Communist deputy must this very night be strung up.”
>The whole truth about the Reichstag fire will probably never be known.
>Nearly all those who knew it are now dead, most of them slain by Hitler 
>in the months that followed. Even at Nuremberg the mystery could not be
>entirely unraveled, though there is enough evidence to establish beyond a
>reasonable doubt that it was the Nazis who planned the arson and carried
>it out for their own political ends.
>
>>From Goering’s Reichstag President’s Palace an underground passage, 
>built to carry the central heating system, ran to the Reichstag building.
>Through this tunnel Karl Ernst, a former bellhop who had become  the
>Berlin S.A. leader, led a small detachment of storm troopers on the night
>of February 27 to the Reichstag, where they scattered gasoline and
>self-igniting chemicals and then made their way quickly back to the palace
>the way they had come. At the same time a half-witted Dutch Communist 
>with a passion for arson, Marinus van der Lubbe, had made his way into the
>huge, darkened and to him unfamiliar building and set some small fires of
>his own. This feeble-minded pyromaniac was a godsend to the Nazis. He had
>been picked up by the S.A. a few days before after having been overheard
>in a bar boasting that he had attempted to set fire to several public
>buildings and that he was going to try the Reichstag next.
>
>The coincidence that the Nazis had found a demented Communist arsonist 
>who was out to do exactly what they themselves had determined to do seems
>incredible but is nevertheless supported by evidence. The idea for the
>fire almost certainly originated with Goebbels and Goering. Hans Gisevius,
>and official in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior at the time,
>testified at Nuremberg that “it was Goebbels who first thought of setting
>the Reichstag on fire,” and Rudolf Diels, the Gestapo chief, added in a
>affidavit that “Goering know exactly how the fire was to be started” and
>had ordered him “to prepare, prior to the fire, a list of people who were
>to be arrested immediately after it.” General Franz Halder, Chief of the
>German General Staff during the early part of World War II, recalled at
>Nuremberg how on one occasion Goering had boasted of his deed.
>
>At a luncheon on the birthday of the Fuehrer in 1942 the conversation
>turned to the topic of the Reichstag building and its artistic value. I
>heard with own ears when Goering interrupted the conversation and shouted:
>“The only one who really knows about the Reichstag is I, because I set it
>on fire!” With that he slapped his thigh with the flat of his hand.
>
>Van der Lubbe, it seems clear, was a dupe of the Nazis. He was encouraged
>to try to set the Reichstag on fire. But the main job was to be
>done—without his knowledge, of course—by the storm troopers. Indeed, it
>was established that the Dutch half-wit did not possess the means to set
>so vast a building on fire so quickly. Two and a half minutes after he
>entered, the great central hall was fiercely burning. He had only his
>shirt for tender. The main fires, according to the testimony of experts at
>the trial, had been set with considerable quantities of chemicals and
>gasoline. It was obvious that one man could not have carried them into the
>building, nor would it have been possible for him to start so many fires
>in so many scattered places in so short a time.
>
>Van der Lubbe was arrested on the spot and Goering, as he afterward told
>the court, wanted to hang him at once. The next day Ernst Torgler,
>parliamentary leader of the Communists, gave himself up to the police when
>he heard that Goering had implicated him, and a few days later Georgi
>Dimitroff, a Bulgarian Communist who later became Prime Minister of
>Bulgaria, and two other Bulgarian Communists, Popov and Tanev, were
>apprehended by the police. Their subsequent trial before the Supreme Court
>at Leipzig turned into something of a fiasco for the Nazis…
>
>Torgler and the three Bulgarians were acquitted, though the German
>Communist leader was immediately taken into “protective custody,” where he
>remained until his death during the second war. Van der Lubbe was found
>guilty and decapitated.
>
>The trial, despite the subserviancy of the court to the Nazi authorities,
>cast a great deal of suspicion on Goering and the Nazis, but it came too
>late to have any practical effect. For Hitler lost no time in exploiting
>the Reichstag fire to the limit.
>
>On the day following the fire, February 28, he prevailed on President
>Hindenburg to sign a decree “for the Protection of the People and the
>State” suspending the seven sections of the constitution which guaranteed
>individual and civil liberties. Described as a “defensive measure against
>Communist acts of violence endangering the state,” the decree laid down
>that:
>
>Restrictions on personal liberty, on the right of free expression of
>opinion, including freedom of the press; on the rights of assembly and
>association; and violations of the privacy of postal, telegraphic, and
>telephonic communications; and warrants for house searchers, orders for
>confiscations as well as restrictions on property, are also possible
>beyond the legal limits otherwise prescribed.
>
>I addition, the decree authorized the Reich government to take over
>complete power in the federal states when necessary and imposed the death
>sentence for a number of crimes, including “serious disturbances of the
>peace” by armed persons.
>
>Thus with one stroke Hitler was able not only to legally gag his opponents
>and arrest them at his will but, by making the trumped-up Communist threat
>“official,” as it were, to throw millions of the middle class and the
>peasantry into a frenzy of fear that unless they voted for National
>Socialism at the elections a week hence, the Bolsheviks might take over.
>
>Some four thousand Communist officials and a great many Social Democrat
>and liberal leaders were arrested, including members of the Reichstag,
>who, according to the law, were immune from arrest. This was the first
>experience Germans had had with the Nazi terror backed up by the
>government. Truckloads of storm troopers roared through streets all over
>Germany, breaking into homes, rounding up victims and carting them off to
>S.A. barracks, where they were tortured and beaten. The Communist press
>and political meetings were suppressed; the social Democrat newspapers and
>many liberal journals were suspended and the meetings of the democratic
>parties either banned or broken up.  Only the Nazis and their Nationalist
>allies were permitted to campaign unmolested.
>
>With all the resources of the national and Prussian governments at their
>disposal, and with plenty of money from big business in their coffers, the
>Nazis carried on an election propaganda such as Germany had never seen
>before.  For the first time the State-run radio carried the voices of
>Hitler Goering, and Goebbels, to every corner of the land.  The streets,
>bedecked with swastika flags, echoed to the tramp of the storm troopers.
>
>There were mass rallies, torchlight parades, the din of loudspeakers in
>the squares.  The billboards were plastered with flamboyant Nazi posters
>and at night bonfires lit up the hills.  The electorate was in turn
>cajoled with promises of a German paradise, intimidated by the brown
>terror in the streets, and frightened by “revelations” about the Communist
>“revolution.”  The day after the Reichstag fire the Prussian government
>issued a long statement declaring that it had found Communist “documents”
>proving:
>
>Government buildings museums, mansions, and essential plants were to 
>be burned down … Women and children were to be sent in front of terrorist
>groups … the burning of the Reichstag was to be the signal for a bloody
>insurrection and civil war … It has been ascertained that today was to
>have seen throughout Germany terrorist acts against individual persons,
>against private property, and against the life and limb of the peaceful
>population, and also the beginning of general civil war.
>
>END
>
>
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========================================================================
Paul Andrew, Mitchell, B.A., M.S.    : Counselor at Law, federal witness
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